What was ukraine called

But after his opening remarks , the first question was inevitably about foreign affairs. And it is incorrect to refer to the Ukraine, even though a lot of people do it.

In recent weeks, as the upheaval in Ukraine has escalated , many journalists and U. Administration officials and pundits have been guilty of the same sin as Obama, who usually gets it right.

Though such slips are not meant to be slights, they can still rankle people from a nation that became independent in and is now fighting to maintain stable autonomy as Russian boots step onto their soil. Taylor says that the diaspora, those Ukrainians now abroad and hearing reports about their homeland in English, are particularly sensitive to this definite article.

This might seem like politically correct oversensitivity, the kind of thing liberals leak eyewater about with a box full of weakness tissues at their side.

And there are certainly some cocktail-hour conversations that would not be materially changed by the presence or absence of the word. There are plenty of times when sticking a the in front of a place name is perfectly acceptable, like when one is referring to a country that is a geographic area, like the group of islands that makes up the Philippines, or a region of a country, like the Northeast.

You might be differentiating the United Kingdom from all other kingdoms. After his conquests, Volodymyr the Great ruled the largest kingdom in Europe, stretching from the Baltic Sea in the north to the Sea of Azov and Black Sea in the south and the Volga River in the east to the Carpathian Mountains in the west.

To administer his scattered lands, he created a dynastic seniority system of his clan and members of his retinue druzhyna , in which the role of the Varangians was diminished.

To give his vast domain a unifying element Volodymyr adopted Byzantine Christianity as the state religion, was baptized, and married Anna, the sister of the Byzantine emperor Basil II.

The unity of the state and the authority of the grand prince were strengthened. Byzantine art , architecture, literature, and teaching were introduced and adopted by the princes, boyars , and upper classes. Many churches and monasteries were built, and the clergy became a powerful cultural and political force. During his reign, Volodymyr the Great began minting coins stamped with the symbol of a trident. During the struggle for independence —20 and again since the trident has served as Ukraine's national emblem.

Towards the end of his life, Volodymyr's sons Sviatopolk I and Yaroslav by then prince of Novgorod the Great rebelled against his authority. When Volodymyr died in , a bitter struggle for hegemony ensued among his sons, which lasted till when Yaroslav established control over most of the Kyivan state.

During the reign of Yaroslav the Wise —54 the Kyivan state attained the height of its cultural development. Yaroslav the Wise paid much attention to the internal organization of his state. He built fortifications to defend his steppe frontier. He promoted Christianity, established schools, and founded a library at the Saint Sophia Cathedral in to commemorate his victory over the Pechenegs. An important development that occurred during his rule was the rise of an indigenous, Slavic political elite in the Kyivan state that included such figures as Yaroslav's adviser Dobrynia , Dobrynia's son Konstantyn Yaroslav's lieutenant in Novgorod , and Vyshata Ostromyrych the governor of Kyiv.

Thenceforth the role of the Varangians was limited, even as mercenaries. Yaroslav's influence spread far and wide because he arranged dynastic alliances with nearly all the reigning families of Europe. Before his death in , Yaroslav the Wise divided his realm among his five remaining sons.

In the event of the death of the eldest son, his place was to be taken by the next eldest, and so forth.

The seniority principle did not survive the test of time, however. As the sons and their offspring prospered in the lands they inherited, their interests conflicted with one another and with the interests of state unity.

Internecine strife developed, provoking the eventual collapse of the Kyivan state. In the last years of his reign, Vsevolod's realm was administered by his son Volodymyr Monomakh of Pereiaslav. Vsevolod Yaroslavych was succeeded in Kyiv by his nephew Sviatopolk II Iziaslavych — , whose reign was distinguished by his continuous wars with the Cumans. With his cousin, Volodymyr Monomakh , Sviatopolk undertook successful expeditions against the invaders in , , and The Cuman menace and ongoing wars among the princes were the subject of the Liubech congress of princes near Kyiv.

Called at the initiative of Volodymyr Monomakh , the princes altered the principle of patrimony. The consensus reached at Liubech was short-lived. To settle the conflicts and organize campaigns against the Cumans, the Vytychiv congress of princes and Dolobske council of princes were held. When Sviatopolk II Iziaslavych died, the common people responded to the social and economic oppression of his regime with the Kyiv Uprising of The alarmed boyars turned to Volodymyr Monomakh to restore order and to ascend the Kyivan throne.

As before, Monomakh concentrated on combating the Cumans , whom he drove back to Caucasia and the Volga River early in his reign, renewing short-lived Slavic expansion into the steppe.

Many churches were built, the Kyivan Cave Patericon was begun, and the writing of chronicles , hagiography , and other literature thrived. Before his death Monomakh wrote his famous testament, Poucheniie ditiam instruction for [My] Children , a work of literary value in which he instructed his sons how to be strong and just rulers. Mstyslav's authority stemmed from his ability to organize the princes in combating the Cumans' renewed invasions.

Like his father, he maintained ties with the rulers of Europe. From the 10th to the 12th century the Kyivan state underwent significant sociopolitical changes.

The church provided him with the concepts of territorial and hierarchical organization; Byzantine notions of autocracy were adopted by him and his successors.

The grand prince maintained power by his military strength, particularly through his druzhyna or retinue. He ruled and dispensed justice with the help of his appointed viceroys and local administrators—the tysiatskyi , sotskyi , and desiatskyi. Members of the druzhyna had a dual role: they were the prince's closest counselors in addition to constituting the elite nucleus of his army. The prince consulted on important state matters with the Boyar Council.

The viche assembly resolved all matters on behalf of the population and it became particularly important during the internecine wars of the princes for the throne of Kyiv. The townsfolk consisted of burghers —mostly merchants and craftsmen —and paupers. Most freemen were yeomen, called smerds. A smaller category of half-free peasants were called zakups. The disintegration of the Kyivan state.

These internecine wars continued for a century, during which time the throne of Kyiv principality changed hands almost 50 times. As a result of the wars, Kyiv's primacy rapidly declined.

From the midth century, Kyiv principality , Polatsk principality , Turiv-Pynsk principality , Volodymyr-Volynskyi principality , Halych principality , Chernihiv principality , and Pereiaslav principality developed as politically and economically separate units. In Novgorod the Great became a sovereign mercantile city-republic tied to the Baltic cities of the Hanseatic League and the Slavic hinterland and controlled by a boyar oligarchy.

Galicia assumed the leading role among the Ukrainian principalities during the reign of its prince Volodymyrko Volodarovych — The reigns of his son Yaroslav Osmomysl —87 , who extended the territory of Halych principality to the Danube River Delta, and grandson Volodymyr Yaroslavych —99 were marked by frequent struggles with the powerful Galician boyar oligarchy. Volhynia gained prominence under the reign of the Monomakhovych dynasty beginning in the s.

After a half-century of individual, fragmented autonomy , the appanage Volodymyr-Volynskyi and Lutsk Lucheske principalities and the Berestia land were reunited under the rule of Prince Roman Mstyslavych — In Roman was invited by the Galician boyars to become the ruler of Halych principality. The historical fate of Transcarpathia , which until the late 10th century was ruled by the Kyivan state, was different.

The Galician-Volhynian state — As the ruler of the newly created Principality of Galicia-Volhynia , and particularly after he conquered the lands of Kyiv principality in , Roman Mstyslavych reigned over a large and powerful state, which he defended from the Yatvingians and Cumans.

When he died the boyar oligarchy took control in Galicia. By Danylo Romanovych and Vasylko Romanovych were able to consolidate their rule in Volhynia, and in they drove the Hungarians, to whom Mstyslav had restored Galicia in , from Galicia. Yet the threat from the east continued. His attemps at forming a military coalition with the Papacy, Hungary , Poland , and Lithuania against the Mongols did not succeed, however, and in Danylo relied on his own forces to defeat the Mongols and their vassals between the Dnister River and Boh River and in Volhynia.

But the massive Mongol offensive of , led by Burundai , forced him to submit to the authority of the Golden Horde. The Lithuanian duke Liubartas became the ruler of Volhynia and the Kholm region. Ukraine under Lithuanian and Polish rule. While the Ukrainian principalities declined under onslaughts of the Asiatic nomads, the Grand Duchy of Lithuania rose to prominence in the Baltic region. Algirdas —77 enlarged the grand duchy by conquering the Ukrainian lands of the Chernihiv principality , Novhorod-Siverskyi principality , and, after defeating the Tatars at Syni Vody in , Kyiv principality , Pereiaslav principality , and Podilia.

Thus, nine-tenths of the grand duchy became composed of autonomous Ukrainian and Belarusian territories. Until the intermarriage of Ruthenian and Lithuanian princely families strengthened the Ruthenian influence in Lithuania, which many scholars have referred to as the Lithuanian-Ruthenian state.

As members of the grand duke's privy council, high-ranking military commanders, and administrators vicegerents , Ruthenian nobles became part of the ruling elite. Ruthenian became the official state language and Orthodoxy the prevailing religion 10 of Algirdas 's 12 sons were Orthodox. To gain support Jogaila agreed to marry the Polish queen Jadwiga , share her throne, and unite Lithuania with Poland.

Although the grand duchy retained its independence, the Polish nobility made inroads there, resulting in a strong Lithuanian-Ruthenian backlash against Polonization and Catholicism. Under his rule — the grand duchy incorporated all the lands between the Dnister River and Dnipro River as far south as the Black Sea and reached the summit of its greatness.

The Lithuanian-Polish Union of Horodlo of curtailed the participation of the Orthodox and thus the Ruthenians in governing the state and allowed only Catholics to remain in the Lithuanian state council. Towards the end of the 15th century a new external menace arose—the Crimean Khanate , which seceded from the Golden Horde and in became a vassal of Ottoman Turkey. From then on the Tatars regularly raided and ravaged the Ukrainian lands. Lithuania was unable to prevent these raids, nor could it stop Muscovy from annexing a large part of its Ruthenian lands, including northern Chernihiv principality and Novhorod-Siverskyi principality.

With the support of Muscovy, certain Ruthenian princes, led by Mykhailo Hlynsky , who proclaimed himself grand duke, rebelled against Lithuanian Catholic rule in The rebellion was quelled, however, and the Hlynsky and other noble families fled to Muscovy. Thus ended the last attempt by the Ruthenian princes to secede from Lithuania. The Lithuanian-Ruthenian lower nobility supported unification, for it would give them the privileges and freedoms enjoyed by the szlachta in the Polish parliamentary monarchy.

The princes and magnates opposed it, however, for it would mean the loss of their authority see Council of Lords. In January the Sejm in Lublin failed to reach an accord on the union, and Sigismund II annexed Podlachia , Volhynia , and the Kyiv region and Bratslav region —over one-third of the grand duchy—to Poland. After further negotiations and conflicts the Union of Lublin was signed on 1 July Thereafter Poland and Lithuania constituted a single, federated state—the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth —ruled by a jointly elected monarch; the state was to have a common Diet, foreign policy, currency, and property law.

Both partners were to retain separate administrations, law courts, treasuries, armies, and laws, however. Because Poland now possessed the larger territory, it had greater representation in the Diet and thus became the dominant partner. The only Ukrainian lands left in the grand duchy were parts of the Berestia land and Pynsk region.

With the Union of Lublin , the Lithuanian-Ruthenian period—the only period of full-fledged feudalism in Ukrainian history—came to an end. There the Lithuanian Statute —the legal code of the Lithuanian-Ruthenian state —remained in effect, but Ukrainian as the official language was supplanted by Polish and Latin. Nevertheless Ukrainian princes continued to own large estates and thus maintained their former privileged positions. The integration of the Ukrainian lands into Poland resulted in significant national and religious transformations.

Part of the relatively small Ukrainian elite, particularly the magnates, became Polonized as a result of the influence of Polish education and of the large number of in-migrating Polish nobles and Catholic clergy especially the Jesuits. Even many prominent Ukrainian families, including that of Prince Kostiantyn Vasyl Ostrozky , a leading defender of Orthodoxy, converted to Roman Catholicism and readily adopted Polish language and culture.

Under the new regime, the noble-dominated cities and towns grew in size and number and experienced an economic boom. It was, however, almost exclusively the Catholic German and Polish burghers who benefited from self-government by Magdeburg law.

The Orthodox Ukrainian burghers were the victims of persecution and segregation; this incited them to organize brotherhoods in order to defend and promote their national, cultural, and corporate interests. The peasants gained nothing from the Union of Lublin. Conditions in the newly colonized lands of the Dnipro River basin were somewhat better, owing to their relative underpopulation.

There, in order to attract peasant settlement, the nobles introduced the sloboda— an agricultural settlement whose inhabitants were exempted temporarily from feudal obligations. The church union was not accepted by the majority of the Ukrainian population, however, and many Ukrainian nobles , led by Kostiantyn Ostrozky , as well as the brotherhoods actively opposed it. The religious struggles that ensued found their written expression in polemical literature.

See also History of the Ukrainian church. The Cossacks. From the 15th century onward, thousands of men, some seeking opportunity, some escaping serfdom , settled in the Commonwealth-Tatar steppe frontier.

To defend themselves from Tatar attacks, they organized armed groups and fortified settlements. With time they also began attacking the Tatar and Turkish settlements on the Black Sea. The Cossacks' expeditions against the Tatars and Turks made them famous throughout Europe. In they marched on Moldavia to help one of their own, Ivan Pidkova , become the hospodar there. In , A. These and other manifestations of Cossack military and political autonomy were a threat to the Polish regime, for they provoked Tatar and Turkish retaliation in Ukraine.

As early as , Sigismund II Augustus tried to circumscribe the Cossacks' growth and freebootery by creating a register of royal Cossacks, who were granted privileges, liberties, land, and money in return for military service to the crown.

The institution of these so-called registered Cossacks, whose number increased at times to 6, during Poland 's wars, provoked discontent among the magnates, who opposed any ennoblement of the Cossacks, as well as social divisions and discord among the Cossacks as a whole.

These and other measures precipitated rebellions led by Kryshtof Kosynsky —3 and Nalyvaiko and Loboda —6 in which registered Cossacks participated against the magnates in Ukraine. In the first quarter of the 17th century, Poland needed the Cossacks in its wars with Turkey in Moldavia , Sweden in Livonia , and Muscovy.

The crown therefore restored the civil rights it had abolished after the Kosynsky rebellion and reinstated the register of Cossacks. At that time the Cossacks assumed a more political role as the defenders of outlawed Orthodoxy, which cemented their ties with the burghers and peasants ; the unceasing defense of their corporate rights prepared them for their future role as the vanguard of a national revolution.

Hetman Petro Konashevych-Sahaidachny —22 , the renowned leader of Cossack sea expeditions against the Tatar towns in the Crimea —17 , succeeded in creating a disciplined, regular Cossack army. A protector of Orthodoxy, in Sahaidachny played a key role in persuading the Patriarch of Jerusalem to renew the Ukrainian Orthodox hierarchy and consecrate Yov Boretsky as metropolitan of Kyiv.

The king, however, would not recognize the new Orthodox hierarchs, and soon after Khotyn any privileges the Cossacks had been granted for their wartime role were abrogated.

Although in this period the Cossacks were cognizant of their strength, they were not united in their attitude to the Polish regime. One group, consisting of the registered Cossacks, sought a compromise with the Poles.

The other, the unprivileged majority, led by Olyfer Holub, ignored the Polish injunctions. They remained recalcitrant, and in —5 even fought on land and sea against Turkey as the allies of the Crimean khan Mohamet-Girei III.

Hetman Marko Zhmailo and his successor Mykhailo Doroshenko were forced to sign the Treaty of Kurukove , which limited the number of registered Cossacks to 6, and the Cossacks' freedom in general. But peace did not last long. The Zaporozhian rebellion, led by Taras Fedorovych Triasylo , forced the Poles to negotiate the Pereiaslav Treaty of , which increased the register to 8, but failed, as before, to appease the Zaporozhian Cossacks, who continued their raids against the Turks.

In the registered Cossacks , led by Ivan Petrazhytsky-Kulaha , demanded that they, as a loyal, obedient, knightly estate see Estates , be allowed to take part in the election of the new king after the death of Sigismund III Vasa. Under Petro Mohyla , the new metropolitan of Kyiv —47 , the Orthodox church experienced a renaissance, as did Ukrainian education , scholarship, and culture in general see Kyivan Mohyla Academy.

But although the Cossacks helped him in his wars with Sweden , Muscovy during which the Chernihiv region was annexed , and Turkey, he did not recognize their demands for increased privileges. Consequently, many Cossacks continued to flee to the Zaporizhia. To stop this exodus the Polish government built a fort in Kodak in , but the Cossacks, led by Hetman Ivan Sulyma , razed it.

The general dissatisfaction with Polish rule resulted in a new uprising in , led by Pavlo Pavliuk. The rebels were defeated in the Battle of Kumeiky and forced to accept even greater restrictions. Having fought several battles, the rebels finally surrendered at the Starets landmark. After this event the number of registered Cossacks was limited to 6,, their senior officers see Cossack starshyna were appointed by the Polish nobles, the hetman was replaced by a Polish commissioner , burghers and peasants were forbidden to marry Cossacks or join their ranks, Cossacks could reside only in Chyhyryn , Korsun , or Cherkasy districts, unregistered Cossacks were outlawed, the Kodak fortress was rebuilt, and Polish garrisons were stationed throughout Ukraine.

For a decade thereafter the Polish magnate kinglets kept the Cossacks in check and intensified their exploitation and oppression of Ukrainian Orthodox peasants and burghers. The Khmelnytsky era. The great uprising of was one of the most cataclysmic events in Ukrainian history.

It is difficult to find an uprising of comparable magnitude, intensity, and impact in the history of early modern Europe. A crucial element in the revolt was the leadership of Hetman Bohdan Khmelnytsky —57 , whose exceptional organizational, military, and political talents to a large extent accounted for its success. The uprising engulfed all of Dnipro Ukraine. Polish nobles, officials, Uniates , and Jesuits were massacred or forced to flee. Jewish losses, estimated at over 50, during what became a decade-long Cossack-Polish War , were especially heavy, because the Jews , who were concentrated in Ukraine in large numbers, were seen as agents of the Polish szlachta.

The Poles were crushed at the Battle of Zhovti Vody on 16 May and again in September, at the Battle of Pyliavtsi in Volhynia where the Cossacks were joined by the peasants en masse. Upon his triumphant entry into Kyiv , he declared that although he had begun the uprising for personal reasons he was now fighting for the sake of all Ukraine.

Defeated once again at the Battle of Zboriv on 15 August, the Poles sued for peace and the Treaty of Zboriv was signed on 18 August The Poles, however, broke the treaty in and with the help of the Tatars defeated the Cossacks at the Battle of Berestechko ; and Khmelnytsky was forced to conclude the Treaty of Bila Tserkva in September The treaty allowed the Poles to return to much of Ukraine.

Realizing that he could not defeat the Poles by military means alone and hoping to expand his political base, Khmelnytsky turned to diplomacy. In September he dispatched a large Cossack force to Moldavia in the hope of installing his son, Tymish Khmelnytsky , there. The hetman envisaged the creation of a great coalition backed by the Ottomans, Tatars, and Danubian principalities and consisting of Ukraine, Transylvania, Brandenburg, Lithuania , and even Cromwell's England.

Khmelnytsky's plans suffered a great setback when the Moldavian boyars revolted and his son died in battle in Another major setback occurred during the siege of Zhvanets in Podilia in December Khmelnytsky was about to annihilate the army of Jan II Casimir Vasa when his Tatar allies signed a separate peace with the Poles.

Khmelnytsky then abandoned his orientation on the Ottomans and Tatars and drew closer to Muscovy. The Pereiaslav Treaty of established an alliance of Ukraine and Muscovy. The Poles responded to the new alliance by combining forces with the Tatars.

A new expanded phase of conflict began. In , while a combined Muscovite-Ukrainian army see Ivan Zolotarenko scored major successes in Belarus , the Poles and, especially, the Tatars devastated Ukraine.

A year later it was Poland that experienced devastation, when the Swedes, taking advantage of the war, invaded the country. Khmelnytsky's foreign policy, especially his co-operation with the Swedes, who were also at war with Muscovy , raised the tsar's ire. But Khmelnytsky also had his grievances: he was bitter over the imposition of Muscovite rule in Belarus , where the populace had expressed preference for a Cossack government; even more infuriating was the Vilnius Peace Treaty with the Poles in October , which Moscow had concluded without consulting the hetman.

Mutual recriminations followed, and there were signs that the hetman was reconsidering the link with Moscow. Then the Ukrainian-Transylvanian offensive in Poland collapsed. Crushed by these setbacks and already ill, Khmelnytsky died on 6 August The Hetman state. At the time of Bohdan Khmelnytsky 's death, the Cossacks controlled the former Kyiv voivodeship , Bratslav voivodeship , and Chernihiv voivodeship , an area inhabited by about 1. About 50 percent of the land, formerly owned by the Polish crown, became the property of the Zaporozhian Host , which, in return for taxes, allocated it to self-governing peasant villages.

Cossacks and Ukrainian nobles retained approximately 33 percent of the land, and the church, 17 percent. The entire area was divided into 16 military and administrative regions corresponding to the territorially based regiments of the Cossack army see Regimental system. Initially, the Cossack starshyna senior officers were elected by their units, but in time these posts often became hereditary.

At the pinnacle of the Cossack military-administrative system stood the hetman. Assisting the hetman was the General Officer Staff , which functioned as a general staff and a council of ministers. The formal name of the new political entity was the Zaporozhian Host ; the Muscovites , however, referred to it as Little Russia , while the Poles continued calling it Ukraine.

Hoping to establish a dynasty, Bohdan Khmelnytsky had arranged for his year-old son Yurii Khmelnytsky to succeed him. It soon became apparent, however, that the young boy was incapable of ruling, and Ivan Vyhovsky was chosen hetman —9. Vyhovsky hoped to establish an independent Ukrainian principality.

His elitist and pro-Polish tendencies engendered a rebellion by the rank-and-file Cossacks and Zaporozhian Cossacks , led by Martyn Pushkar and Yakiv Barabash and covertly backed by Moscow. Vyhovsky emerged victorious but militarily and politically weakened. Realizing that a confrontation with Moscow was inevitable, Vyhovsky entered into negotiations with the Poles regarding the return of Ukraine to the Polish Commonwealth.

In September they concluded the Treaty of Hadiach. Viewing the treaty as an act of war, Moscow dispatched a large army into Ukraine. Realizing that his base of support was crumbling, in September the hetman fled to Poland.

The Cossack starshyna , hoping that the appeal of his name would help to heal internal conflicts, elected Yurii Khmelnytsky hetman — The Muscovites , who returned to Ukraine with another large army, forced the young hetman to renegotiate the Pereiaslav Treaty of see Pereiaslav Articles of The new pact was a major step forward in Moscow's attempts to tighten its hold on Ukraine: it increased the number of Muscovite governors and garrisons in Ukraine, forbade the hetman from maintaining foreign contacts without the tsar's permission, and stipulated that election of Cossack leaders should be confirmed by Moscow.

Disillusioned, Khmelnytsky went over to the Poles in , helped them defeat the tsar's army at Chudniv , and signed the Treaty of Slobodyshche. The regiments of Left-Bank Ukraine , led by Yakym Somko , refused to follow Khmelnytsky, however, and remained loyal to the tsar.

Unable to cope with the strife and chaos, Khmelnytsky resigned in A period of constant war and devastation began. The Ruin. At times, the Ottoman presence was felt in the south. All Cossack hetmans during this period were dependent on these powers for support. The hetmans' weakness stemmed largely from internal conflicts, especially the ongoing social tensions between the Cossack starshyna and the rank and file and the peasants , who resented the attempts of the starshyna to monopolize political power and impose labor obligations upon them.

Consequently, political factionalism, opportunism, and adventurism became prevalent among the Cossack leaders, who were easily manipulated by Ukraine's powerful neighbors. Teteria, who adhered strictly to a pro-Polish line, invaded the Left Bank together with the Poles in and urged its Cossacks to march on Moscow.

When the offensive failed, Teteria and the Poles see Stefan Czarniecki returned to the Right Bank see Ivan Popovych , Varenytsia Uprising ; their brutality in quelling numerous anti-Polish uprisings aroused such animosity that Teteria was forced to abdicate and flee to Poland.

The first Ukrainian hetman to pay homage to the tsar for which he received the title of boyar, estates, and the daughter of Prince Dmitrii Dolgoruky in marriage , he signed the Moscow Articles of , which significantly increased Muscovy 's political, military, fiscal, and religious control. These concessions, the hetman's high-handedness, the behavior of the Muscovite governors and tax collectors, and the Treaty of Andrusovo —an armistice that ratified the partition of Ukraine between Poland and Muscovy—infuriated the populace and led to widespread revolts against Briukhovetsky and the Muscovite garrisons.

Briukhovetsky's attempts at backing away from Moscow and heading the revolt against it failed to appease the rebels, and in he was killed by an angry mob. An attempt to preserve Cossack Ukraine from chaos and to reassert Ukrainian self-government was made by the popular colonel of Cherkasy and hetman of Right-Bank Ukraine , Petro Doroshenko — After the Poles signed the Treaty of Andrusovo , Doroshenko turned against them and resolved to unite all of Ukraine under his rule.

To gain the support of the rank-and-file Cossacks , he agreed to hold frequent meetings of the General Military Council , and to free himself from overdependence on the powerful colonels , he established mercenary Serdiuk regiments under his direct command.

Doroshenko then invaded Left-Bank Ukraine and, after Ivan Briukhovetsky 's demise in , was proclaimed hetman of all Ukraine. During his absence from the Right Bank, however, the Zaporozhian Cossacks proclaimed Petro Sukhovii hetman; soon after, the Poles returned and established Mykhailo Khanenko as yet another rival hetman.

Returning to confront his adversaries, Doroshenko appointed Demian Mnohohrishny acting hetman —72 on the Left Bank. A Muscovite army invaded the Left Bank, however, and Mnohohrishny was forced to swear allegiance to the tsar see Hlukhiv Articles in Ukraine was divided again.

Weakened, Petro Doroshenko was forced to rely increasingly on the Ottomans. In his forces joined the huge Turkish- Tatar army that wrested Podilia away from the Poles see Buchach Peace Treaty of , and in —7 he found himself fighting on the side of the Turks against the Orthodox forces of the tsar and of the new hetman of Left-Bank Ukraine , Ivan Samoilovych. Compromised by his association with the Muslim occupation and the ravages of the civil war, the now unpopular Doroshenko surrendered to Samoilovych in The Peace Treaty of Bakhchesarai left much of southern Right-Bank Ukraine a deserted neutral zone between the two empires.

No longer in need of Khmelnytsky, the Ottomans had him executed, and pashas governed the Right Bank from Kamianets-Podilskyi. Although Demian Mnohohrishny , like Ivan Briukhovetsky , was elected hetman there with Muscovite acquiescence, he did not intend to be a puppet of the tsar. This was evident from his demands that Moscow limit its military presence in the cities to Kyiv , Nizhyn , Pereiaslav , and Chernihiv.

With the help of mercenary regiments , he managed to establish order on the Left Bank, but his constant conflicts with the increasingly entrenched Cossack starshyna brought about his downfall. Demian Mnohohrishny 's successor Ivan Samoilovych —87 made loyalty to Moscow and cordial relations with the starshyna the cornerstones of his policy. He thus managed to remain hetman for an unprecedented 15 years.

To win over the starshyna , he awarded the members generous land grants and created the so-called fellows of the standard a corps of junior officers , thereby encouraging the development of a hereditary elite in Left-Bank Ukraine. Like all hetmans, Samoilovych attempted to extend his authority over all of Ukraine. He tightened his control over the unruly Zaporozhian Cossacks , and from he fought alongside the Muscovites against Petro Doroshenko and the Turks.

Greatly disappointed by his and Muscovy's failure to conquer the devastated Right-Bank Ukraine, he organized the mass evacuation of its inhabitants to the Left-Bank Ukraine and Slobidska Ukraine.

The Polish-Muscovite Eternal Peace of and anti-Muslim coalition validated Poland 's claims to Right-Bank Ukraine and placed the Zaporizhia lands under the direct authority of the tsar instead of the hetman.

Those who called it "the Ukraine" in English must have known that the word meant "borderland", says Anatoly Liberman, a professor at the University of Minnesota with a specialism in etymology. So they referred to it as "the borderland". The Germans still use it but the English-speaking world has largely stopped using it. There are many other country names that are habitually referred to with "the", such as Congo, Gambia, Yemen, Lebanon, Sudan, Netherlands, Philippines and Bahamas.

And the longer, official name for Netherlands is Kingdom of the Netherlands. These quite often have a long and a short form. In some of the other cases, says Ashworth, it's largely a question of usage and how people refer to them.

Quite commonly, definite articles are attached to areas where they have a mix between geophysical names and a physical entity. You wouldn't say 'I'm going to Maldives, you'd say 'I'm going to the Maldives' because it's a geographical area. Countries like the United States of America and the United Kingdom also carry the definite article because they are compound nouns with adjectives.